Slavery and Methodism
Brandon Wason, Pitts Theology Library
Emory University was founded by the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1836, and its identity, particularly during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, has been joined to Methodism. Emory’s name also comes from a Methodist bishop, John Emory (1789-1835). Thus, questions related to Emory’s history and its connections to slavery relate to the religious context of Methodism in the state of Georgia. The following is a documents-based survey of the connections between Methodism and slavery, covering the divergent opinions of early founders of Methodism and perspectives of American Methodists during the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries. A particular focus will be paid to Methodist history in Georgia. Because this survey covers the form of Methodism most closely connected to Emory’s founding (i.e., the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Methodist Episcopal Church, South), other connections between Methodist traditions and slavery are not addressed. The story of American Methodism and its dealing with the issue of slavery is not a monolithic one. Some Methodists were abolitionists, others opposed only the abuses of slavery, some suggested it was only a civil and not a moral issue, while others regarded it a divinely-sanctioned institution. Ultimately the Methodist Episcopal Church split over the issue of slavery.
George Whitefield and John Wesley
George Whitefield, An account of money received and disbursed for the orphan-house in Georgia (London: W. Strahan for T. Cooper, 1741). Stuart A. Rose Manuscripts, Archives, and Rare Book Library, F294 .S2 W4 CANDLER
George Whitefield (1714-1770) and John Wesley (1703-1791) were early collaborators and founders of Methodism. John Wesley and his brother, Charles (1707-1788), met George Whitefield at Oxford. They were part of a small group often known as the Holy Club, due to their strong devotion to academic study and social piety. The members of this group were called Methodists for their methodical approach to their disciplines. Certain members of this early Methodist group were invited by James Oglethorpe to fill religious and clerical roles in the nascent colony of Georgia. John Wesley arrived in Georgia in 1735 with his brother and others from their Oxford group. Wesley’s time in Georgia was relatively short. He had hoped to minister to indigenous peoples in Georgia, but had relatively few opportunities. His experience in Savannah was also marred by strained personal relationships with the colonists. After Wesley returned to England, George Whitefield succeeded Wesley as the minister in Savannah (1738). Whitefield connected better with the colonists and he felt particular sympathy for the plight of the colony’s orphans, which led him to establish the Bethesda orphanage. In 1739, after Whitefield traveled northward through the Carolinas, Virginia, and Maryland, he was put off by the inhumane treatment of enslaved people in those colonies, and subsequently published a letter chastising the abuses of American slavery. As his popularity grew through his itinerate ministry throughout England and the American Colonies, he raised funds for the Bethesda orphanage, which was situated on a 500-acre plantation about 10 miles south of Savannah. The trustees of Georgia, under the leadership of James Oglethorpe, had originally banned slavery in the colony. Yet Whitefield strongly advocated for slavery to be allowed in Georgia in order to enhance Bethesda’s ability to become self-sustaining. On the one hand, Whitefield asserted the moral obligation to treat enslaved people well and to provide them access to Christianity through preaching and religious services. But on the other hand, he not only advocated for slavery, but he also became an enslaver himself, owning with Bethesda fifty enslaved people the time of his death in 1770.
Ebenezer Pemberton, Heaven the Residence of the Saints: A Sermon Occasioned by the Sudden and Much Lamented Death of the Rev. George Whitefield, A.M. … To which is added An Elegiac Poem on His Death By Phillis, A Negro Girl, of Seventeen Years of Age, Belonging to Mr. J. Wheatley of Boston (Boston; London, reprinted: For E. and C. Dilly, 1771). Pitts Theology Library, 1771 PEMB
Phillis Wheatley (1753-1784) published an elegiac poem on George Whitefield’s death. Born in West Africa, Phillis was enslaved at a young age and sold to the Boston merchant and his wife, John and Susanna Wheatley in 1761. With the Wheatleys, Phillis was exposed not only to evangelical preaching but to reading and writing. The family was acquainted with Whitefield’s ministry and it is possible that they knew Whitefield from his visits to Boston. Phillis published her first poem in 1767, which made her America’s first published woman of African descent. Yet it was Wheatley’s second poem, the elegy for Whitefield in 1770, that brought her recognition in both England and the colonies. The poem references Whitefield’s ministry among both whites and those of African descent: "Take HIM ye Africans, he longs for you; Impartial SAVIOUR, is his title due." The elegy was printed in various formats, including a small standalone pamphlet, a newspaper, broadsides, and appended to other relevant works. The copy at Pitts Theology Library accompanies a sermon on Whitefield’s death written by the Boston minister, Ebenezer Pemberton (1705–1777). John Wesley included several Phillis Wheatley poems in the Arminian Magazine, which he edited. [Note 1]
John Wesley, Thoughts upon Slavery (Philadelphia: Joseph Cruckshank, 1774). Pitts Theology Library, 1774 WESL
"Liberty is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital air." — John Wesley
John Wesley (1703-1791), the founder of the Methodist movement, was an opponent of slavery. While Wesley was exposed to slavery early in his career in the American colonies, he did not write about the issue until relatively late. Nevertheless, his opposition to slavery is clear. In his Explanatory Notes upon the New Testament (1755), Wesley called out traders of enslaved people as “the worst of all thieves, in comparison of whom Highwaymen and House-breakers are innocent!” [Note 2] His major publication on the topic is Thoughts upon Slavery, published in 1774, which Wesley had written after being in contact with abolitionists Granville Sharp (1735-1813) and Anthony Benezet (1713-1784). Thoughts upon Slavery was not a theological treatise and it interacts very little with Scripture. Instead Wesley, likely drawing on the work of Sharp and Benezet, [Note 3] described the historical context of slavery in the eighteenth century, rejected negative stereotypes of typically enslaved people and denounced the abuses associated with enslavement. Wesley even directly addresses those who become enslavers through inheritance, a topic of relevance for American Methodists in 1844. Wesley writes: "Liberty is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital air. And no human law can deprive him of that right, which he derives from the law of nature." Just six days before his death, Wesley had written a letter to Wilberforce encouraging him in his efforts to bring an end to slavery: "O be not weary of well doing! Go on, in the name of God and in the power of His might, till even American slavery (the vilest that ever saw the sun) shall vanish away before it."
Early Methodism in the United States
Minutes of the Methodist Conferences, Annually Held in America, From 1773 to 1794, Inclusive (Philadelphia: Henry Tuckniss for John Dickens, 1795). Pitts Theology Library, 1795 METH
The North American Methodist societies in connection with John Wesley eventually became its own independent denomination, known as the Methodist Episcopal Church (1785-1939). From its beginning, the Methodist Episcopal Church officially opposed slavery. Four years before becoming an official church, Methodists in America decried slavery during their annual meetings. In the 1780 Baltimore meeting of American Methodists, slavery was condemned as being “contrary to the laws of God, of man, and of nature, and that it was hurtful to society, and contrary to the dictates of conscience, and pure religion.” Methodist preachers who owned enslaved people were required to grant them freedom. [Note 4] After being established as distinct church, the Methodist Episcopal Church’s first conference (1785) reaffirmed their detestation of slavery: “We do hold in deepest abhorrence, the practice of slavery; and shall not cease to seek its destruction by all wise and prudent means.” [Note 5] Furthermore, each edition of the Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church printed quadrennially from 1792 into the twentieth century had a section opposing slavery and declaring it a “great evil.” However, Methodists in the Southern States held various views on slavery, many of whom did not agree with their own denomination’s official stance.
Francis Asbury, The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury: Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1771, to December 7, 1815 (New York: N. Bangs and T. Mason, 1821). Pitts Theology Library, 1821 ASBU V.1-3
Francis Asbury (1745-1816), one of the first two bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, opposed slavery and sought to enforce the denomination’s stance against slavery. He wrote: “My spirit was grieved at the conduct of some Methodists, that hire out slaves at public places to the highest bidder, to cut, skin, and starve them; I think such members ought to be dealt with: on the side of oppressors there is law and power, but where is justice and mercy to the poor slaves? what eye will pity, what hand will help, or ear listen to their distresses? I will try if words can be like drawn swords, to pierce the hearts of the owners.” [Note 6] Asbury found it logistically difficult to reign in Methodists who were either enslavers or sympathetic to slavery. He lamented that some theorized that enforcing an anti-slavery stance among Methodists would limit the ability for Methodists to minister in South Carolina. [Note 7] At times it was his practice to take written statements denouncing slavery from potential clergymen before he would ordain them. [Note 8]
Experiences of Enslaved People
Bill of sale of an Enslaved Man Named Gabriel to Rev. Thomas G. Gooch, 1831 October 17 Pitts Theology Library, MSS 463, Box 1, Folder 4
It’s vital not to lose sight of individuals affected by American slavery. Gabriel (b. circa 1776) was the name of an enslaved person who was sold on October 17, 1831. What we know about Gabriel comes from a surviving bill of sale. Though his exact date of birth is unknown, Gabriel was born about the time that America was declaring independence from Great Britain. Despite the monumental language of the Declaration of Independence, which proclaimed the equality of all men and the God-given rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, Gabriel and other enslaved individuals were denied these rights. Gabriel was about 55 years old in 1831 and of good health. Sarah Carneal of Logan County sold Gabriel to Thomas G. Gooch (1800-1874), who was a Methodist minister in the same county. What we know about Rev. Gooch is considerably more than what we know of Gabriel. [Note 9] While some Methodists bought enslaved people for the purpose of setting them free, Gooch apparently was not one of those people. He was converted to Methodism at a camp-meeting and was licensed to preach in 1823. Gooch enslaved multiple people and sided with the Confederacy during the American Civil War. It is uncertain of Gabriel’s fate with Gooch and it is possible that he did not live long enough to see the eradication of slavery in America.
William Still, The Underground Rail Road: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters, &c. (Philadelphia: Porter and Coates, 1872) Pitts Theology Library, 1872 STIL
William Still (1821-1902), an abolitionist from Philadelphia and conductor on the Underground Rail Road, compiled stories of enslaved people seeking freedom. Still demonstrates the signficant role that religion played in the lives of both enslavers and the enslaved, many of whom had connections to Methodism. He provides numerous accounts that highlight hypocritical and abusive practices by Methodist slave owners. Still tells the story of Lewis Cobb of Richmond, Virginia. Lewis identified his enslaver as Samuel Myers, a member of Century Methodist Church. [Note 10] Despite his enslaver’s participation in Methodism, Lewis considered Samuel and his wife “strangers to practical religion” whose “severe floggings” awakened in Lewis a desire to seek freedom in Canada. According to Still, many other enslaved people who participated in Methodist teaching were most often instructed from the New Testament: "Servants, obey your masters." [Note 11]
Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom (New York: Miller, Orton and Co., 1857) Pitts Theology Library, 1857 DOUG
Frederick Douglass (1818-1895) was born into slavery and experienced its injustices until his escape to freedom in 1838. Douglass had himself been converted at age 13 by Methodist preaching, so when his enslaver, Thomas Auld, had a religious experience at a Methodist camp-meeting, Douglass was optimistic of his future prospects.
"If he has got religion," thought I, "he will emancipate his slaves; and if he should not do so much as this, he will, at any rate, behave toward us more kindly, and feed us more generously than he has heretofore done." Appealing to my own religious experience, and judging my master by what was true in my own case, I could not regard him as soundly converted, unless some such good results followed his profession of religion. ¶ But in my expectations I was doubly disappointed; Master Thomas was Master Thomas still. The fruits of his righteousness were to show themselves in no such way as I had anticipated. His conversion was not to change his relation toward men--at any rate not toward BLACK men--but toward God.” [Note 12]
Douglass’s My Bondage and My Freedom, first published in 1855, was his second autobiographical work and it detailed his life before and after his escape to freedom. Pitts Library’s copy of My Bondage and My Freedom was personally inscribed by Douglass to fellow abolitionist, Harriet Beecher Stowe in 1867.
Abolitionism Dismissed in the Methodist Episcopal Church
"Western Christian Advocate - Extra" (Cincinnati: May 21, 1836) Pitts Theology Library, MSS 450
Although many Northerners opposed slavery, the Abolitionist Movement was generally unpopular throughout the United States in the 1830s. The topics of slavery and abolitionism played a center stage at 1836 General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Cincinnati. A fraternal letter from the Wesleyan Methodist Conference in Britain was read, which, in part, urged the Methodist Episcopal Church to reject slavery. The letter caused quite a stir at the conference and the response, signed by bishops and the conference secretary, chastised the British Methodists for not comprehending the nuanced and delicate issue of slavery which is intricately connected to various state constitutions and impossible for the federal government, let alone religious bodies, to address through legislation.” [Note 13] Despite opposition to slavery among many of the northern Methodists, the majority of the delegates were strongly opposed to abolitionists who were seen as agitators of church unity. The activities of two abolitionists from New Hampshire who had earlier lectured in Cincinnati became another focal point of the conference. The General Conference delegates passed resolutions condemning abolitionism with an overwhelming majority. The resolution, as printed by the Western Christian Advocate, condemned the activity of the two abolitionists and declared that the General Conference was "decidedly opposed to modern abolitionism, and wholly disclaim any right, wish, intention, to interfere in the civil and political relation between master and slave, as it exists in the slave-holding states of this Union." The Methodist Episcopal Church chose, in 1836, to table the topic of slavery in order to maintain the peace of the denomination. It will be shown, however, that this option would not always be available and that slavery would eventually drive a wedge through the middle of the denomination.
Orange Scott, Address to the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church (New York: H.R. Piercy, 1836) Pitts Theology Library, 1836 SCOT
Orange Scott (1800-1847) was a delegate of the New England Conference at the 1832, 1836, and 1840 General Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church. He was also a prominent abolitionist who became frustrated at the denomination’s inability to deal with the slavery issue. In his 1836 Address to the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Scott delivered a short history of Wesleyan attitudes against slavery and argued for delegates, particularly from the northern conferences, to rally around the cause of abolitionism and help turn the tides in favor of a national opposition to slavery. However, abolitionism was soundly rejected at the 1836 General Conference. Scott attended one more General Conference, in 1840, and upon coming to terms with the recalcitrancy of the Methodist Episcopal Church on this issue, decided it best to the leave the denomination. In 1843, Scott helped to found a new denomination, the Wesleyan Methodist Church, which championed both abolitionism and women’s rights.
Journal of the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church Manuscript, 1831-1845. Pitts Theology Library, RG 025-4, Box 9
The views on slavery adopted by the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church were especially egregious. Members of the Georgia Conference dismissed or ignored the official position of the Methodist Episcopal Church, which opposed slavery. During the 1836 meeting of Georgia Conference, the same meeting that approved the “establishment and endowment” of Emory College, the conference unanimously objected to the conduct of Northern abolitionists, which they deemed to be meddlesome, dangerous, and unchristian. [Note 14] The following year, the same conference passed a unanimous resolution regarding slavery:
Whereas there is a clause in the discipline of our church which states that we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery, and whereas, the said clause has been perverted by some, and used in such a manner as to produce the impression that the Methodist Episcopal Church believed slavery to be a moral evil. ¶ Therefore Resolved that it is the sense of the Georgia Annual Conference that slavery, as it exists in the United States, is not a moral evil. ¶ Resolved, that we view slavery as a civil and domestic institution, and one with which as ministers of Christ we have nothing to do, further than to ameliorate the condition of the slave, by endeavoring to impart to him and his master the benign influences of the religion of Christ, and aiding both on their way to heaven. [Note 15]
The rhetoric used in these statements align with writings by southern Methodists, such as William Capers, who thought of slavery not as a moral issue, but a civil issue, thus freeing them, in their view, of involvement in what their Northern counterparts considered a “moral evil.”
Report of debates in the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in the city of New York, 1844 (New York: G. Lane and C. B. Tibbett) Pitts Theology Library, 1844 METH
"I have been made a slaveholder legally, but not with my own consent." — James Osgood Andrew [Note 16]
In 1844, Bishop James Osgood Andrew (1794-1871), president of the Board of Trustees of Emory College (1838-1870), was at the center of a major debate on slavery in the Methodist Episcopal Church. At the General Conference, it became known that Bishop Andrew was an enslaver, and many contended that he should be disqualified from serving in the episcopacy, particularly from serving over conferences in states in which slavery was outlawed. Abolitionism in the North was beginning to become more popular. Bishop Andrew wrote a statement detailing his connection to slavery. He argued that he was legally an enslaver by marriage, has never bought or sold people himself, and is bound by Georgia law forbidding him from emancipating the enslaved people in his possession. His statement presents himself as though slavery were thrust upon him and he had no choice, although historical records indicate that he was most likely an enslaver by the time he was elected bishop in 1832. He lists two specific enslaved people in his statement at the General Conference, but does not provide their names. Their names are Catherine “Kitty” Boyd and “Billy.” Kitty’s home, known locally as Kitty’s Cottage, has been moved to Emory’s Oxford Campus. The excellent book by Mark Auslander details the connection of Bishop Andrew, his relationship with Kitty, slavery, and Emory’s Oxford campus. [Note 17]
Augustus Baldwin Longstreet (1790-1870), a delegate to the General Conference, President of Emory College (1840-1848), and friend of Bishop Andrew, defended Bishop Andrew and southern slavery at the General Conference in 1844. Longstreet delivered a speech at the conference, accusing the American Methodist opposition to slavery as going beyond the Bible -- they "did more than our Saviour or any apostle ever did." Longstreet emphasized the blamelessness of the Southern Methodists and Bishop Andrew in particular, and that Bishop Andrew should not resign on account of him involuntarily becoming an enslaver. [Note 18] Despite protests from Southern Methodists, the General Conference, which met for a month in New York, found Bishop Andrew’s ownership of enslaved people to be too much of an impasse. A Plan of Separation was presented, which ultimately led to the Methodist Episcopal Church being divided into two distinct ecclesiastical bodies, one in the North and one in the South. The 1844 General Conference foreshadowed the secession of Southern States from the Union on account of slavery. A resolution was passed in the 1845 meeting of the Georgia Conference approving Bishop Andrew’s activity at the General Conference and endorsed his unrestricted exercise of episcopal duties within the annual conference. [Note 19]
Civil War and Reconstruction
John H. Caldwell, Slavery and Southern Methodism: Two Sermons Preached in the Methodist Church in Newnan, Georgia ([Newnan, Ga.]: Printed for the author, 1865). Stuart A. Rose Manuscripts, Archives, and Rare Book Library, E441 .C34 1865
![John H. Caldwell, Slavery and Southern Methodism: Two Sermons Preached in the Methodist Church in Newnan, Georgia ([Newnan, Ga.]: Printed for the author, 1865).](https://libapps.s3.amazonaws.com/accounts/25319/images/E441C341865tn.jpg)
In 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment was passed and ratified, outlawing salary in the United States, although many of the ministers in the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South were fixed in their position on the matter. The Methodist minister, John H. Caldwell (1820-1899), preached a pair of sermons in Newnan, Georgia, in which he decried the abuses of slavery and contended that "God has destroyed slavery because of our sins in connection with it as system." [Note 20] Caldwell was not an abolitionist, but his position on slavery and his support of federal aid after the war made him a target among his fellow Georgia Methodists. Caldwell was moved from his appointment in Newnan and reassigned to a new circuit, which he viewed as unsafe. Caldwell rejected the new assignment and traveled throughout Northern States, taking speaking engagements where he addressed the war and the condition of the South. When he arrived back in Georgia for the November meeting of the Georgia Conference, Caldwell was greeted with disdain and the conference passed a resolution condemning his sermons on slavery. His rejection from fellow ministers led to his leaving of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South and join Northern efforts to reorganize the Methodist Episcopal Church in Georgia. Caldwell’s story shows that even after emancipation, the perspective of most ministers in the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South had not only remained unchanged with respect to slavery, but they also resisted change of opinion from within.
Othal Hawthorne Lakey, The History of the CME Church (Memphis: CME Publishing House, 1996). Pitts Theology Library, BX8463 .L354 1996
After the Civil War, many of the formerly enslaved people in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South had left the denomination. In a large part, this was due to the influx of the missionary efforts of Northern Methodists (i.e., the Methodist Episcopal Church, the African Methodist Episcopal Church, and the AME Zion Church). [Note 21] The freed people who did remain in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, did not want to remain much longer and negotiated with MECS leadership to establish their own, separate denomination. This was a decision on the part of these individuals to forge their own church that was separate from both Northern Methodists and the church of their enslavers (MECS). The creation of this new denomination was authorized during the 1866 MECS General Conference in New Orleans. In 1870, the new denomination, called the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church [Note 22], was officially established in Jackson, Tennessee. The MECS played a paternal role in the establishment of the CME Church: MECS Bishops ordained the two CME Bishops, [Note 23] the MECS gave the new church their Book of Discipline, and MECS leadership partnered with CME leadership to establish Paine College in Augusta (named after MECS Bishop, Robert Paine). Though the CME Church was its own autonomous body, part of their identity was uniquely connected to the MECS whereas other African Methodist Episcopal churches were not. [Note 24]
Atticus G. Haygood, The New South: Gratitude, Amendment, Hope. A Thanksgiving Sermon for November 25, 1880 (Oxford, Ga.: [publisher not identified], 1880) Pitts Theology Library, 1880 HAYG
![Atticus G. Haygood, The New South: Gratitude, Amendment, Hope. A Thanksgiving Sermon for November 25, 1880 (Oxford, Ga.: [publisher not identified], 1880)](https://libapps.s3.amazonaws.com/accounts/25319/images/1880_HAYGtn.jpg)
Atticus Haygood (1839-1896) was a Methodist minister, president of Emory College (1875-1884), and later bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. While Haygood was the president of Emory College, he delivered a sermon called “The New South: Gratitude, Amendment, Hope” (1880). The sermon argued that the South was better off without slavery and applauded the economic and industrial prospects during the Reconstruction Era. Haygood implores his listeners or readers to accept the new reality, not only of emancipation, but of future opportunity. His promotion of the “New South” doctrine found support also among northern philanthropists, some of whom provided financial support for Emory College. Despite Haygood’s advocacy for African Americans, his views were sometimes paternalistic and discriminatory as shown in Emory’s 2021 Naming Honors report [PDF].
William Pope Harrison, The Gospel among the Slaves: A Short Account of Missionary Operations among the African Slaves of the Southern States (Nashville: Publishing House of the M. E. Church, South, 1893). Pitts Theology Library, 1893 HARR B
Many Southern Methodists maintained their antebellum opinions on slavery through the Reconstruction Era. William Pope Harrison (1830-1895) was an Emory College graduate; a minister in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South; and the 48th Chaplain of the United States. Drawing on the compiling work of Annie Maria Barnes (b. 1857), Harrison published Gospel among the Slaves (1893), which records the missionary efforts of Methodists among enslaved people in America. While the work brings together various primary sources on Methodist ministry among enslaved people, it also serves as an apologetic for the activities of Southern Methodism during the antebellum period. Harrison perpetuated the view that slavery was not a moral evil, but a civil issue. Harrison ignores the broad injustices endured by enslaved people while praising the sacrifices made by white missionaries and highlighting the benevolence of enslavers who allowed enslaved people to partake in religion. The work shows that nearly thirty years after emancipation, views toward enslavement had not changed among a contingency of Southern Methodists.
Epilogue
Emancipation did not fix structural imbalances of race the United States. Within American Methodism, racial inequality continued to be promulgated through its institutions. In 1939, three American Methodist denominations merged to form the Methodist Church (U.S.). Among these were the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, two groups that initially divided over the issue of slavery. Eager to unite with their Southern counterparts, the Methodist Episcopal Church capitulated to Southern Methodists who wanted to segregate African American churches at the jurisdictional level. Thus, in 1939, the Central Jurisdiction was organized within the Methodist Church which governed over the African American churches which was separate from the white jurisdictions. The Central Jurisdiction was finally eradicated when the Methodist Church (U.S.) merged with the Evangelical United Brethren Church to form the United Methodist Church (1968). Within North Georgia, the segregated conferences official merged into one conference in 1971.
Notes
[Note 1] Samuel J. Rogal, "Phillis Wheatley’s Methodist Connection," Black American Literature Forum 21 (1987): 85-95.
[Note 2] John Wesley, Explanatory Notes upon the New Testament (London: William Bowyer, 1755), 558 [comment on "Man-stealers" in 1 Timothy 1:10].
[Note 3] Frank Baker, "The Origins, Character and Influence of John Wesley's Thoughts Upon Slavery." Methodist History 22 (1984): 75-86.
[Note 4] Minutes of the Methodist Conferences, Annually Held in America, From 1773 to 1794, Inclusive (Philadelphia: Henry Tuckniss for John Dickens, 1795), 37 [qq 16f.].
[Note 5] Minutes of the Methodist Conferences, Annually Held in America, From 1773 to 1794, Inclusive (Philadelphia: Henry Tuckniss for John Dickens, 1795), 83 [q 16NB].
[Note 6] Francis Asbury, The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury: Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1771, to December 7, 1815 (New York: N. Bangs and T. Mason, 1821), 2:273.
[Note 7] Francis Asbury, The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury: Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1771, to December 7, 1815 (New York: N. Bangs and T. Mason, 1821), 2:281.
[Note 8] Francis Asbury, The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury: Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1771, to December 7, 1815 (New York: N. Bangs and T. Mason, 1821), 2:269.
[Note 9] A. H. Redford, History of Methodism in Kentucky, Volume 3 (Nashville: Southern Methodist Publishing House, 1870), 278-279.
[Note 10] Likely Centenary Methodist Episcopal Church, South, on Shockoe Hill, Richmond, Virginia.
[Note 11] See, for example, Ephesians 6:5 and Colossians 3:22.
[Note 12] Frederick Douglass, My Bondage, My Freedom (New York: Miller, Orton & Co., 1857), 194-195.
[Note 13] Nathan Bangs, A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Volume 4: From the Year 1829 to the Year 1840 (New York: Carlton and Porter, 1857), 229.
[Note 14] Journal of the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church manuscript [RG 025-4, Box 9], 106, 109.
[Note 15] Journal of the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church manuscript [RG 025-4, Box 9], 150-151.
[Note 16] Report of Debates in the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Held in the City of New York, 1844 (New York: Lane and Tippett, 1844), 73.
[Note 17] Mark Auslander, The Accidental Slaveowner: Revisiting a Myth of Race and Finding an American Family (Athens: University of Georgia, 2011).
[Note 18] Report of Debates in the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Held in the City of New York, 1844 (New York: Lane and Tippett, 1844), 112-115.
[Note 19] Journal of the Georgia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church manuscript [RG 025-4, Box 9], no page number.
[Note 20] John H. Caldwell, Slavery and Southern Methodism: Two Sermons Preached in the Methodist Church in Newnan, Georgia ([Newnan, Ga.]: Printed for the author, 1865).
[Note 21] Othal Hawthorne Lakey, The History of the CME Church, Revised edition (Memphis: CME Publishing House, 1996), 101-129.
[Note 22] Or CME Church. Later Christian Methodist Episcopal Church.
[Note 23] William H. Miles (1828-1892) and Richard H. Vanderhorst (1813-1872).
[Note 24] Raymond Summerville, An Ex-colored Church: Social Activism in the CME Church, 1870-1970 (Macon: Mercer University Press, 2004), 1-2 and 12-21.