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Global Prison Studies

This libguide gives an overview of critical studies of prisons and incarceration, taking an explicitly global approach. It emphasizes the prison's global development, practice, and logic.

Brief History

The history of prisons in Africa, as elsewhere, cannot be disentangled from the history of colonization, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and nation formation. 

Gikondo prison

It is usually accepted in existing scholarship that incarceration was not a common characteristic of systems of punishment in Africa until after European colonization and occupation began. Prisons across the continent weren’t really seen until the late 1800s,* and systems of justice were often organized around compensation for victims rather than time spent held against one’s will, or exile and ejection from social and familial circles (see Bernault 2003, and Morelle 2021).

Bernault warns against an oversimplification of that story. “This historical rupture tends to obscure complex, hidden correspondences between European doctrines and African ideas about punishment and physical enclosure. Some aspects of the penitentiary resonated with ancient, local forms of spatial captivity and physical seclusion. Military captivity, legal techniques of body constraint, and spiritual retreats existed in Africa alongside a series of architectures of confinement generated by the slave trade” (5). We must consider the prison at foreign to Africa, and at the same time in conversation with both preceding African forms of confinement and punishment and advancing carceral technologies in Europe. Implicitly, we must also understand how Africa and other parts of the colonized world acted as laboratories for those carceral technologies, where colonial administrators would experiment with new forms of social and physical control and punishment, removed from the ethical and legal restrictions they might face in Europe and enabled by a legal system which qualified Africans as not quite subjects or citizens and a racial discourse which understood them as less than human (approached as objects of power rather than subjects of a nation, according to Bernault). As the colonial project proceeded, both in its earlier years and then after Partition, the prison became an essential mechanism in colonial occupation, in punishing and controlling indigenous populations, and in the maintenance of racial order. As many countries in Africa gained independence from European powers in the mid 20th-century, the prison persisted as a method of maintaining social order as well as punishing political dissidents. As elsewhere, it was one of the remainders of European colonization and domination that, rather than done away with during decolonization, was repurposed to meet the needs of emerging systems of governance.

In their introduction to Confinement, Punishment and Prisons in Africa, authors Hornberger, Le Marcis, and Morelle describe two reigning and limiting framings for academic discussions of prisons in Africa. One, "as a site of exceptional horror, abject human conditions... Steeped in a paradigm of otherness, this makes for senationalistic (media) reports that feed into stereotypes about Africa as the 'dark continent.'" The other "foregrounds 'Northern' advances in prison rule and the humanistic mission of applying these to the African prison. This way sees the African prison as an institution in need of reconstruction and reform, and, as such, in need of international interventions and the pressuring of states" (XII, Morelle 2021). Rather than approach these systems in their own right, both these framings traffick in racialized Western conceptions of Africa as a place of unique instability and chaos. In the process, they relegate the prisons of Africa, the people who populate them, and the continent itself to a racialized position that presents those states as weak and their citizens as simultaneously dangerous, foolish, and racially predisposed to violence. Further academic work on prisons and carcerality in Africa will hopefully build on emerging framings that approach prisons and imprisonment on the continent on its own terms and that pay special attention to how technologies of punishment and incarceration were developed in Africa by European powers throughout their colonial projects there, and how those technologies continue to be implemented by newly independent African nations that have, in many other ways, rejected continuing colonial influence as they have fought for and gained independence (see Bruce-Lockhart 2022).  

South Africa:

South Africa is to some degree exceptional in the history of African prisons, partly because there is so much more scholarship on its prisons, and because of its history of racial apartheid under white South African rule until 1994. During apartheid, the white South African government imprisoned large numbers of political activists and Black South Africans, using it simultaneously to control political thought and social unrest, whether caused by reaction to restrictive racial policy or the exigencies of poverty. As of 2015, its incarceration rate was 258/100,000, indicating the persistence there of incarceration as a solution to social problems, even while political systems change. For more on the changes and similarities between apartheid and post-apartheid prisons, see Gillespie 2007.

Officially, the early penal system under Dutch occupation of the Cape had little to do with maintenance of racial segregation. Public punishments and torture were used against all offenders, although the reality of the heavily racialized colonial world of the Cape, in which white Dutch colonizers ruled over a largely Black indigenous population, suggests they were unlikely to be used equally. But after the abolition of slavery between 1807-1834, new systems of racial control emerged - control of where Black people could travel, limitations on political participation, and a host of other restrictions. Quickly, an openly racist penal policy was implemented, and a system of forced work for prisoners met the needs of white landowners for labor as well as social and physical control. Punishment for the violation of “pass laws”, that required Black Africans to carry documents authorizing their movement and presence in restricted areas, began to fill jails and work farms. Portable “convict stations,” which held prisoners and moved them closer to public works, were constructed and implemented. This system of labor became so essential to agricultural work in South Africa that, by the 1930s, white farmers bought shares of farm-jails, and the amount of convict labor they then received from those farm-jails was in direct relation to how large their shares were. The scope of this system should not be understated: one large landowning farmer testified that "between 1972 and 1977, no fewer than 4,000 prisoners worked on his farm," according to Human Rights Watch. We can consider this relation between government, industry, and human bondage in connection to plantation slavery historically in the Americas and Africa, the contemporary privatization of prisons in the U.S. and elsewhere and the use of prison labor (Herivel and Wright 2005, Eisen 2018), and to U.S. post-slavery practices of racialized convict leasing in the U.S. South (Childs 2015). In all these places, capitalists (large landowners, public works contractors, etc.), could and can purchase the labor of a racialized underclass with little available means of resistance.

 


(southern Africa being an exception, where they were built in the earlier part of the 1800s. This pattern holds today: In 2010 data, Southern Africa incarcerates 188 out of 100,000 people, while Western Africa only 52. And while Western Africa's numbers fell to 44.8/100,000 by 2015, Southern Africa's increased to 248).

(Theis Panoptical Prison plans, 1916, Senegal) National Archives of Senegal.

 (Kigali Prison in Rwanda)

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