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Global Prison Studies

This libguide gives an overview of critical studies of prisons and incarceration, taking an explicitly global approach. It emphasizes the prison's global development, practice, and logic.

Brief History

1. Auburn and Pennsylvania Systems: Contradictions in Reform Efforts

Some of the first real penitentiaries in the world were developed in the United States. These institutions, specifically the Auburn and Pennsylvania systems, were efforts to reform a system of punishment their supporters saw to be brutal and essentially pointless. In place of the dungeons and corporal punishment that characterized U.S. justice before these institutions’ development, they would be places of the true reform of the prisoner, focusing on quiet, in order to give the offender time to contemplate his crime, and work, to give the offender meaning and bring him closer to God. For more on this history, see Rubin 2021. These institutions, along with similar emerging institutions in Great Britain and France and the logic and rational of work, salvation, and reform that accompanied them, spread across the globe as other countries imported their designs and rational, repurposing them to local conditions and the needs of local elites for (often racialized) social control (see Nikpor 2024 for Iran, or Salvatore and Aguirre 1996 for Latin America).  

But the development of the Auburn and Pennsylvania systems in the 19th century must also be understood against the backdrop of slavery's influence on labor exploitation and social hierarchies. The Auburn system's emphasis on disciplined labor mirrored the coercive work regimes enforced on plantations, perpetuating a cycle of forced labor and control reminiscent of slavery. Similarly, the Pennsylvania system's strict isolation and silence echoed the dehumanizing aspects of slavery, raising questions about the continuity of oppressive practices under the guise of reformative measures.

Beyond these more conceptual concerns, these initial penitentiaries produced the logic and infrastructure that gives us the system of racialized mass incarceration in the United States today, which has proven especially adept at incorporating efforts at reform into its broader project of the coercion and management of racialized and poor populations.

These questions persist regarding reform movements today and the balance to strike (if any) between remaking the prison system in a more humane form and doing away with it altogether, searching instead for structural answers to the structural problems which produce the prison and crime.

2. Convict Leasing and Chain Gangs 

After the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, southern states adopted convict leasing programs. This allowed them to maintain control over Black populations and exploit convict labor. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in December of 1865 and which abolished slavery, carved out exceptions for the incarcerated to the freedom Black Americans had seized: “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” This system allowed private companies and individuals to lease convicts from state prisons for labor, often under brutal and inhumane conditions. The system of chain gangs, where groups of prisoners were chained together and forced to perform hard labor still exists in many places today. It has been reappropriated to other carceral systems, like immigration detention, where administrators or elected officials often use it simultaneously as media spectacle and revenue source. For an extensive overview of convict leasing and its relationship to slavery and to continuing racial inequalities for Black Americans, see Childs 2015. For a story close to Atlanta and to Emory University, see the history of Joel Hurt, often considered one of the city fathers of Atlanta and related by marriage to the namesake of this library, and his exploitation of Black convict labor in the coal mines he owned in Northern Georgia. 

3. 20th Century: Mass Incarceration and Social Injustice

The 20th century witnessed the culmination of historical legacies of structural racism and class inequality as mass incarceration became a central feature of the American criminal justice system. The "War on Drugs" policies disproportionately targeted communities of color, continuing a pattern of racial discrimination and social control reminiscent of slavery-era practices, and simultaneously incarcerating poor Whites in huge numbers. The privatization of some prisons further commodified incarceration, turning human beings into profit-generating assets, similar to what we see under convict leasing but accomplished much differently. These combined policies produced potentially the most extreme program of incarceration and forced labor the world has known since the institution of the Atlantic Slave Trade and one of the highest rates of incarceration in the world (only recently having been displaced by El Salvador, which has borrowed a great deal of the U.S. approach to crime and punishment, as well as criminalization through media spectacle). For more on the rapid expansion of prisons through the War on Drugs, see Bobo and Thompson 2015 and the later weeks of the AAIHS Prison Abolition Syllabus.

Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s landmark work on the rapid expansion of the prison system during this era and the simultaneous reduction of funds for social programs in California, Golden Gulag, is key to understanding how this extreme program came about. Aside from Foucault’s Discipline and Punish, it is probably the most cited in the study of U.S. prisons. Her dialectical analysis investigates the geography and space of prisons from a structural and marxist perspective. She is less concerned with the spaces of individual prison cells (see Guenther for an investigation of the physical and psychological space of the cell and solitary confinement) and more those of carcerality and abolition -the physical, social, and economic geographies of prisons and anti-prison and abolitionist movements. Gilmore’s dialectic analysis in Gulag, along with others in the field, moved the study of mass incarceration away from Foucault’s more abstract analysis and towards material questions of economy, class, and race, and the structural elements of U.S. economies that produce and exploit.  For more on how this was a bipartisan project rather than one driven exclusively by conservative elements of the polity, see Naomi Paik's Rightlessness, which investigates the role of New Deal reformers and white liberal ideas about race in the development of modern racialized mass incarceration. For more on the relationship between urban space and the carceral state, see Thompson and Murch 2015.

4. The Contemporary: Reform and Abolition

In the contemporary context, efforts to reform the criminal justice system must confront the enduring influence of slavery on incarceration practices and the constance of structural racial inequality in the U.S. justice system and the cultural sphere. Addressing systemic racism, advocating for restorative justice, and promoting equitable sentencing policies are essential steps towards dismantling the historical legacies of slavery within the modern prison system. Moreover, recognizing the intersectionality of race, class, and incarceration is crucial for developing comprehensive reforms that prioritize rehabilitation, social justice, and community well-being. For more on modern efforts at prison abolition, see the later weeks in the African American Intellectual History Society’s Prison Abolition Syllabus, Angela Davis’ body of work, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, and many others.

The history of prisons in the United States is embedded in the legacy of slavery, racial segregation, and modernization. Its open brutality and persistent structural influence on global modern mass incarceration undermines more abstract conceptualizations of the prison, as well as reform movements which take an individualized approach. It shows that, contrary to Foucault’s proposal that the target for disciplinary systems after the 1700s became the prisoner’s soul and not his body, in the Americas (and by implication in many other parts of the world) the body, in this case, a heavily racialized one, is still that system’s target. Furthermore, especially thinking with Ruth Wilson Gilmore and others, this history in the United States shows that the structural and economic forces that the prison system reproduces and represents -in this case capitalism, institutional racism and the warehousing and management of lower economic classes- must be considered in any critical analysis of punishment and racialized mass incarceration, whether in the United States or elsewhere.

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